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The First Amendment: Freedom
of Speech
Freedom of speech is widely considered
one of the most important constitutionally guaranteed rights. Freedom of speech, enshrined in the First
Amendment of the United States Constitution, is a liberty that is treasured by
Americans and has allowed democracy to flourish. From the John Peter Zenger
acquittal in 1735, wherein a jury refused a judge’s instructions to convict a
newspaper publisher for publishing damaging information about the “royal”
governor,[1] to Brandenburg v. Ohio[2] where the Supreme
Court reversed the incitement conviction of a KKK leader on freedom of speech
grounds to the “Pentagon papers” case, in which the Supreme Court stopped the
government from preventing the New York Times from publishing classified
information relating to the Vietnam War,[3] there is a long and
storied tradition of freedom of speech in our culture and legal system.
The theory behind free speech is based
on a model of “marketplace of ideas.” The belief is that if a state protects free
speech, there will be competing ideas and robust debate that could advance a
country and its democracy.[4] The marketplace of ideas
theory rests on the presumption that truth is best obtained by free speech,
regardless of agreement with the ideas being expressed.
The marketplace of ideas leads to two
essential benefits. The first is that it can lead to an informed citizenry, who
are more active and engaged in their democracy.[5] Second is that free speech
will allow for a decision-making process more open to the entire citizenry and as
a result, stronger and more impactful decisions can be reached by the
government and its citizens.
It must also be noted that freedom of
speech includes more just the right to verbal expressions. It also includes the
right to take part in other forms of expression, such as advertising products,
producing and promoting visual arts and engaging in symbolic speech, such as
wearing clothing designed to send political messages.
Content-Based Regulations
A content-based
regulation is a restriction on speech or expression that is based on the
substance of the message being communicated, rather than the method or manner
in which the message is being expressed. For example, a local regulation that
says you can make a speech in a park if it’s merely informative or educational
but not if it’s politically contentious, is a content-based restriction.
To be valid, these restrictions must pass
strict scrutiny. To pass a strict scrutiny analysis, the government must prove
that the content-based restriction is:
(1) The
narrowest means necessary to
(2)
achieve a compelling government interest.
Strict scrutiny is a very difficult
standard to meet and it is rare that laws subjected to strict scrutiny are
upheld. Its analysis is fact-intensive, but some general principles help guide
courts. First, a law restricting speech is not narrowly-tailored if it
restricts a significant amount of speech that doesn’t involve this compelling
government interest. For example, the Supreme Court struck down New York’s “Son
of Sam” law that ordered proceeds from criminals telling their stories be
turned over to the public for eventual distribution to crime victims. The Court
ruled that the state had not shown that its law was narrowly tailored to the
state’s objective of compensating victims because the law was over-inclusive.
It applied to works on any subject authored by a person convicted of a crime
and so did not always further victim compensation.[6] Further illustrating this
principle of strict scrutiny is that narrower, more clearly defined similar
laws have, in fact, passed constitutional scrutiny.
Moreover, a compelling government
interest is not one that is merely furthered by a restriction on speech.[7] The government must
demonstrate, using “simple common sense,” that the interest is important and
crucial to achieving a desired governmental goal.[8]
Buckley v. Valeo[9] presented another example
of a content-based limitation on speech being analyzed by the Supreme Court.
The Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 limited campaign contributions, limited
election expenditures and required disclosures of campaign contributions. The
Supreme Court upheld restrictions on individual contributions to political
campaigns but struck down other restrictions such as limitations on independent
expenditures on campaigns, expenditures by candidates of their own money on
their own campaigns and limitations on total campaign expenditures. The Court
did acknowledge that the government had a compelling interest in restricting
campaign-finance to some extent, which was to limit the undue influence that an
individual contributing greatly to a campaign may have over a candidate.
Tangentially, the Court’s ruling in this case the campaign spending amounted to
political speech set the stage for the highly controversial case almost 30
years later in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission,[10] that granted corporations
the constitutional right to attempt to influence political elections.
In Boos
v. Barry, [11]
the Court analyzed a Washington, D.C. statute that banned people from
displaying signs with messages that tended to bring foreign governments into
“public disrepute” within 500 feet of the country’s embassy. In Boos’ case, he
and his fellow protestors were prohibited from displaying signs criticizing the
Soviet Union on front of the Soviet embassy. The Court had to determine whether
the District of Columbia’s justification for the statute passed strict scrutiny
because the statute regulated the expression of protestors’ viewpoints, a
content-based restriction. The Court held that the prohibition failed to
pass strict scrutiny because the government’s arguments that the limitations
were necessary to keep peace and security were not compelling enough to
validate the sign ban.
Content-Neutral
Restrictions
Also known as “time, place, and manner”
restrictions, these are laws that prohibit or limit communication without
regard to the message conveyed. Thus, they “are justified without reference to
the content of the regulated speech.”[12] These regulations are
subject to a lesser degree of scrutiny than content-based restrictions because these
regulations are not necessarily designed to curtail public discourse.[13] Content-neutral
restrictions will be constitutional if the government demonstrates that the
restrictions:
(1) Are
content neutral;
(2) Are
serving an important government interest; and
(3) Leave
open ample, alternative channels of communication
In United States v. O’Brien,[14] David O’Brien burned his
draft card on the steps of the South Boston Courthouse to protest the Vietnam
War. He was convicted under the Selected Service Act for violating the “no
willful destruction” of draft cards mandate. The Supreme Court of the United States
upheld the federal statute and reasoned that it was a valid time, place, and
manner restriction on speech.[15] The Court found that the
Act’s prohibition of burning draft cards furthered a legitimate government
interest, which was to ensure a “smooth and proper functioning of the system
that Congress has established to raise armies.” Additionally, the Court
determined that even though the Act prohibited one type of speech, O’Brien
still had numerous alternative means to communicate his opposition to the
Vietnam War. In other words, while the government could not prohibit protesting
the Vietnam War, it could punish this method of protest which served to curtail
the functioning of the draft.[16]
In Heffron v. Int'l Soc. for Krishna
Consciousness,[17] a Minnesota rule had
restricted the sale or distribution of any merchandise at the state fair
without a license from the state. This prevented the plaintiffs from carrying
out a religious ritual of going into public places to distribute or sell
religious literature and to solicit donations. The Supreme Court held that the
Minnesota rules were valid content-neutral restrictions. The Court reasoned
that the rule was content neutral because didn’t target the religious group’s
subject-matter and was applied equally to all organizations. Second, the state
proved that it’s interest in limiting the distribution and sale of written
materials at its fair location was necessary to prevent congestion on the
fairgrounds. This was a sufficient government interest to justify these limitations
on the group’s speech. Finally, individual members of that group could still
freely pass out their literature outside of the fairgrounds, so alternative
channels for communication existed.
The willingness of American courts to protect freedom of speech even when potentially sacrificing some security embodies the famous Benjamin Franklin quote “Those who would give up essential Liberty, to purchase a little temporary Safety, deserve neither Liberty nor Safety." While freedom of speech is certainly not unlimited, courts are sworn to protect this
[2] 395 U.S. 444 (1969)
[3] New York Times Co. v. United States,
403 US 713 (1971)
[4] Stanley Ingber, The Marketplace of
Ideas: A Legitimizing Myth, 1984 Duke L.J. 1, (1984).
[5] Kenneth Karst, Equality as a Central
Principle of the First Amendment, 43 U.
CHI. L. REV. 20, (1975).
[6] Simon
& Schuster, Inc. v. Members of the N.Y. State Crime Victims Bd., 502
U.S. 105, (1991).
[7] Eugene Volokh, Freedom of Speech,
Permissible Tailoring and Transcending Strict Scrutiny, 144 U. Pennsylvania L.
Rev. 2417 (1997).
[8] Burson
v. Freeman, 504 U.S. 191, (1992).
[9] 424 U.S. 1, (1976).
[10] 558 U.S. 310 (2010)
[11] 485 U.S. 312 (1988)
[12] Virginia
Pharmacy Board v. Virginia Citizens Consumer Council, Inc., 425 U.S. 748,
(1976).
[13] Paul Finkelman, Encyclopedia of American Civil Liberties, (2006).
[14] 391 U.S. 367, (1968).
[15] Geoffrey R. Stone, Content Regulation
and the First Amendment, 25 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 189, (1983),
[16] James McGoldrick, Symbolic Speech: A
Message From Mind to Mind, 61 Okla. L. Rev. 1, (2008).
[17] 452 U.S. 640, (1981).