Taxation in E-Commerce - Module 4 of 5
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Module 4: Taxation in E-Commerce
When internet businesses first entered the mainstream in
the 1990s, few people were able to predict the transformational impact
e-commerce would have on the U.S. economy. In 1999, total online retail sales
in the United States amounted to about $15 billion, or approximately one-half
of one percent of all retail sales nationwide.[1]
By 2016, this figure had skyrocketed to over $389 billion, with e-commerce
amounting to eight percent of total retail sales.[2]
This type of growth is nearly unparalleled in U.S. economic history, and
lawmakers have worked to develop rules for the e-commerce industry that ensure
both continued development and effective regulation of this increasingly important
market. This is particularly true in the development of e-commerce tax laws,
which have recently shifted focus from facilitating growth in e-commerce
markets to ensuring that online businesses contribute their fair share of
revenues to the public coffers.
This module explains how
e-commerce activities are taxed. The discussion begins with how e-commerce
taxes arose in an environment designed to protect this burgeoning industry from
undue financial and regulatory burden. Next, the analysis highlights recent
developments in e-commerce taxation that have shifted national policy. These
developments will impact online businesses. The module closes with a discussion
of tax issues associated with business activity common across e-commerce,
including online auctions, credit card and third-party payment network
transactions, and virtual or “crypto” currency activities.
Protective e-Commerce Tax Policies
As e-commerce was first establishing itself in the U.S.
economy, federal lawmakers wanted to make sure that this promising new market
had the opportunity to grow without unnecessarily burdensome regulation and
taxation. To this end, Congress passed the Internet Tax Freedom Act in
1998.[3]
This law imposed a three-year moratorium on duplicate or discriminatory taxes
levied on e-commerce activities. This law also precluded state and local
governments from taxing internet access, a policy which was made permanent with
the enactment of the Trade Facilitation and Trade Enforcement Act of
2015.[4]
However, internet access is still taxed in seven of the 50 states, as these
jurisdictions had pre-existing internet laws that were preserved by the
Internet Tax Freedom Act’s “grandfather” clause.[5]
In addition to banning taxation on internet access, the
Internet Tax Freedom Act prohibits multiple jurisdictions from levying taxes on
the same e-commerce transaction. This limits sales or use taxes levied against
e-commerce companies to the state or county in which the transaction takes
place.[6]
So, for example, an e-commerce company based in New York that ships an order to
customers in New Jersey could be taxed on the transaction by either New York or
New Jersey, but not both.
Protective tax policies for e-commerce transactions
originate from the Commerce Clause in the Constitution.[7]
The Supreme Court has interpreted the Commerce Clause to prevent the states
from passing laws that have the effect of discriminating against certain
activities in interstate commerce. This prohibition has been applied by federal
legislation to online businesses by the Internet Tax Freedom Act’s ban on
discriminatory e-commerce taxes, which prevents state and local governments
from imposing taxes on electronic transactions that are higher than they would
be for identical activities performed at brick-and-mortar businesses.[8]
Tax policies embodied in the Internet Tax Freedom Act
reflect national support for electronic business. However, as e-commerce
companies have increased their market power, concerns regarding the dampening
effects of taxation have subsided. In fact, the Supreme Court recently
established that some types of state and local taxes can be levied against
online businesses without running afoul of the Commerce Clause.
Recent Developments in e-Commerce
Taxation
The Internet Tax Freedom Act was passed during a time of
lax e-commerce taxation. This conservative approach was largely due to the
Supreme Court’s interpretation of how the Commerce Clause applies to taxation
in e-commerce in the case of Quill
Corporation v. North Dakota. The Quill
precedent required that e-commerce companies have a physical presence or a
business nexus to a state before that state would be allowed to tax their
activities. Thus, under Quill, states
could not collect sales tax from purchases that state residents made from
out-of-state companies.[9]
However, the Quill precedent has been discarded in favor of a more liberal
e-commerce tax policy, as we’ll discuss shortly.
Another reason the federal
government was slow to warm up to the idea of allowing state and local
governments to tax e-commerce transactions was the practical concern of how
difficult it would be for online companies to comply with the tax policies of
every state to which they shipped . Forty-five states and Washington D.C.
collect sales taxes and most of them also allow municipalities and local
governments to levy taxes.[10] Thus, e-commerce companies face the
potentially daunting task of complying with dozens, if not hundreds, of tax
policies from every jurisdiction in which they have customers . These
jurisdictions vary with respect to what e-commerce activities are taxable, the
applicable sales tax rate and when and how often sellers must file tax returns.
Effective compliance would be extremely burdensome, and when Quill was heard back in the early 1990s
the Supreme Court viewed this compliance burden as an unconstitutional burden
on e-commerce companies’ abilities to engage in interstate commerce.
The basis for this ruling
dated back to 1967, well before the internet was invented. Then, the Supreme
Court struck down the State of Illinois’ policy of charging state sales tax on
catalog companies selling in Illinois but located out of state. The case,
commonly known as the Bellas Hess
case, held that the complexity of requiring out-of-state sellers to comply with
the sales tax requirements of every customer’s jurisdiction would be an
unconstitutional burden on interstate commerce.[11]
The Court applied the Bellas Hess
precedent decades later in the Quill case.
However, in 2018, Quill was overturned by a landmark
decision in South Dakota v. Wayfair, Inc.
Wayfair involved a South Dakota law that imposed sales taxes on
out-of-state vendors providing goods to state residents. The law included
several exemptions and safe harbor terms designed to protect small e-commerce
companies from undue burdens associated with out-of-state taxation.
South Dakota began
enforcing its new tax policy against major e-commerce retailers active in the
state, including Overstock.com, Newegg, and Wayfair. Both the trial and
appellate courts hearing South Dakota’s enforcement cases struck down the law
under the Supreme Court’s precedent in the Quill
case. In reviewing the case, the United States Supreme Court determined that
the changes that have occurred in the e-commerce markets over the past two
decades necessitated a departure from the outdated precedent set forth in Quill.[12]
The technical challenges associated with
state and local sales tax compliance have declined substantially due to
e-filing and the plethora of bookkeeping and tax preparation software on the
market today. As a result, compliance is no longer a burden on interstate
commerce.
State and Local E-Commerce Taxes
After Wayfair
While some concerns remain
regarding the long-term impacts the Wayfair
decision will have on e-commerce activity, the Supreme Court clarified that
permissible state and local sales tax laws must be designed to prevent
unnecessary burdens on interstate commerce. For example, the South Dakota law
under review included a safe harbor provision for small e-commerce retailers, a
prohibition on retroactive taxation and a set of clear, uniform, and simple
methods that companies can follow to ensure compliance with the law.[13]
Thus, the Wayfair case did not simply
unleash the floodgates of taxation on e-commerce retailers. Rather, the ruling
allows state and local governments to tax e-commerce sales only when the
applicable tax rules are designed for simple compliance and do not improperly
burden commerce. Additionally, state and local governments are still barred
from imposing sales tax on internet access by the Internet Tax Freedom Act and
subsequent amendments.
The Supreme Court’s
decision in Wayfair caught many tax
policy experts by surprise, but some e-commerce companies saw this change in
law coming well in advance. In fact, Amazon.com, the world’s largest retail
e-commerce company, began collecting state sales tax on all direct sales in
2017. However, the retail giant has been less generous when it comes to local
taxes. In at least six states –Alaska, Idaho, Iowa, Mississippi, New Mexico,
and Pennsylvania – Amazon was not fully complying with local tax laws.[14]
This has placed some local governments at a disadvantage, as the Government
Accountability Office recently estimated that taxing all e-commerce sales would
net state and local governments between $8 billion and $13 billion in
additional tax revenues.[15]
Now that the Wayfair decision
clarified these jurisdictions’ authority to require e-commerce sales to pay
local taxes, it’s expected that more e-commerce retailers will charge both
state and local sales tax where required.
Practical Taxation Issues Unique to
E-Commerce
The internet revolution has given rise to several new
ways to buy and sell things online, as well as new technologies designed
specifically for the processing of electronic payments. These include online
auctions, secure credit card transactions and the new wave of virtual or “crypto”
currency and related financial services. Each of these activities is subject to
taxation under the federal tax code in addition to any state or local sales or
use taxes that may apply.
Online auctions have become increasingly common since
e-commerce giant eBay first launched in 1995. This site and the thousands that
have followed offer marketplaces for direct person-to-person trading,
propelling online auctions well into the world of mainstream retail.[16]
Often, the entities selling goods in online auctions are laypeople who don’t
think they have to report this income on their tax returns. However, proceeds
from nearly any auction – whether online or physical – are taxable unless the
circumstances merit specific exemption. Depending on the way the online auction
is carried out, this may include individual income tax, business income tax,
self-employment tax and/or excise taxes like sales and use taxes. The IRS does
not levy taxes against all online auctions, and the agency generally does not require
people to report auction proceeds “akin to an occasional garage or yard sale.”[17]
However, any entity that sells goods through online auctions as a regular
business activity or hobby must report its profits to the IRS on its tax
return.
Credit card companies and third party financial networks
like PayPal or Venmo must abide by the reporting requirements found in Section
6050W of the Internal Revenue Code. Credit card and third-party payment
companies are legally required to document and report the gross amounts paid to
individuals and companies who have performed more than 200 transactions
totaling $20,000 or more across their payment networks. Section 6050W requires
these financial service companies to file informational returns with both the IRS
and the company that accepted the credit card or third-party payment.[18]
Although the IRS does not
collect taxes directly based on these informational returns, this sort of
third-party reporting has been shown to increase compliance with applicable tax
laws. When the IRS receives a report of revenues generated by credit card or
payment networks, which are submitted to the agency and the payments recipient
on a Form 1099-K, it can use this information to check the accuracy of income
reported on the business’ returns and identify non-filers.[19]
Thus, the rule is a key tool that the IRS uses to help ensure online payments
are reported and taxed appropriately.
Cryptocurrencies
With the rise of
cryptocurrencies, a new type of financial product powered by blockchain
technology, the IRS has had to develop a new approach to collecting tax
revenues on online transactions.
Cryptocurrencies, also
known as virtual currencies or coins, are software programs used as digital
representations of real-world economic value. Just like cash or credit card
transactions, they are used as a means of exchange, unit of account or store of
economic value.[20]
However, the fact that cryptocurrencies are used to purchase goods and services
as well as for investment and trading purposes has led to some confusion
regarding the proper tax treatment of this new financial technology.
In 2014, the Internal
Revenue Service issued a policy statement that shed some light on the federal
taxation of virtual currencies. In this statement, the IRS explained that cryptocurrencies
may be used for the purchase and sale of goods. Some cryptocurrencies are also convertible
into U.S. dollars, just like stocks or bonds. Because they are convertible, the
IRS concluded that these types of virtual currency profits should be taxed as
property rather than income. Thus, profits made from either investing in or
accepting payments in these forms of cryptocurrencies are taxed according to
the capital gains tax rates. This means that every convertible cryptocurrency
transaction – whether made as a payment for goods or services or as a
revenue-generating investment – is a taxable transaction that must be reported
to the IRS. [21]
Conclusion
The digital revolution has changed our economic reality.
Now, many of the activities that used to bring consumers to brick-and-mortar
establishments are performed entirely online. This has transformed the U.S.
economy, and it has forced lawmakers to grapple with the growing presence of
e-commerce in consumer and business finance. As a result, the federal and state
laws regulating e-commerce transactions have developed substantially over time,
and tax policy has been no exception.
Before South Dakota v. Wayfair, states were restricted from requiring
e-commerce sites to collect sales tax unless the online seller had a physical
presence or identifiable nexus in the jurisdiction. However, this prior policy
was established in 1992, when e-commerce was still in its infancy.[22]
Over time, this approach has put online sellers at an unfair advantage over
local businesses required to pay state and local taxes. As e-commerce grew into
an increasingly common method of making retail purchases, this unfair advantage
grew into a significant policy concern. As a result, the Supreme Court expanded
state and local authority to levy taxes against online retailers.
From a practical
standpoint, the Wayfair decision will
increase the cost of retail e-commerce transactions. However, this is unlikely
to dampen the substantial growth we’ve seen in e-commerce in recent years. Even
as more and more e-commerce companies like Amazon started building state and
local sales tax into their prices, retail e-commerce has continued to expand
significantly.[23] Much
of this is due to the increasing role of e-commerce in our daily lives, but
there are also new technological developments that make buying and selling
online an increasingly common activity. Online auctions and person-to-person
sales platforms are becoming the garage sales of the future, and online
financial transactions are becoming more sophisticated as cryptocurrencies are
increasingly integrated into regular business operations. Without a doubt,
e-commerce will continue to have an important role in the U.S. economy, and
state and federal revenue agencies will be keeping a close eye on online
companies’ compliance with applicable tax laws.
In our final module, we
will continue this discussion with a look at regulation of digital financial
transactions and privacy concerns, including the Gramm-Leach-Bliley
Act and comparable state and federal rules.
[1] U.S.
Census Bureau, U.S. Dep’t of
Commerce, E-Stats: E-commerce 1999,
1, 2 (March 7, 2001), https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/publications/2001/econ/1999estatstext.pdf.
[2] U.S.
Census Bureau, U.S. Dep’t of
Commerce, E-Stats 2016: Measuring
the Electronic Economy, 1, 2 (May 24, 2018), https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/publications/2018/econ/e16-estats.pdf.
[5] Jeffrey M. Stupak, The Internet Tax Freedom Act: In Brief, 1, 3, U.S. Congressional Research Service, (April
13, 2016), https://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R43772.pdf.
[6] Id.
at 3.
[8]
Stupak, supra note 5, at 3.
[10]
The Seller’s Guide to eCommerce Sales Tax,
Tax Jar, (Mar. 30, 2018), https://www.taxjar.com/guides/intro-to-sales-tax/#what-is-sales-tax.
[13] Id.
at 425.
[14] Institute
on Taxation and Economic Policy, Many
Localities Are Unprepared to Collect Taxes on Online Purchases (March 2018)
https://itep.org/wp-content/uploads/amazonlocaltax_0318.pdf.
[15] U.S.
Government Accountability Office, Sales
Taxes: States Could Gain Revenue from Expanded Authority, but Businesses Are
Likely to Experience Compliance Costs, GAO-18-114 (Dec. 18, 2017), https://www.gao.gov/products/GAO-18-114.
[16] Magnus Bjornsson, The History of eBay (Spring 2001) http://www.cs.brandeis.edu/~magnus/ief248a/eBay/history.html.
[17] IRS
Notice FS-2007-23, Internal Revenue
Service, https://www.irs.gov/newsroom/reporting-auction-income-and-the-tax-gap.
[19] Internal Revenue Service, IRC Section 6050W: Frequently Asked
Questions (July 23, 2011) https://www.irs.gov/pub/irs-utl/irdm_section_6050w_faqs_7_23_11.pdf.
[21] Id.
at 1-2.
[23] Joseph Bishop-Henchman, What Does the Wayfair Decision Really Mean
for States, Businesses, and Consumers?, (July 2018) https://taxfoundation.org/what-does-the-wayfair-decision-really-mean-for-states-businesses-and-consumers/#4.