Sentencing Statutes and Guidelines - Module 3 of 5
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Module 3: Sentencing Statutes and Guidelines
Historically, judges have had very
broad discretion when sentencing criminal defendants. The only guidance provided by the Eighth
Amendment is that “excessive fines” and “cruel and unusual punishments” are
prohibited.[1] Broad judicial discretion has naturally led
to criminal sentences across the country that vary significantly based on the
subjective views of the judges. Legislators eventually began to step in and address
this issue. Both state and federal
sentencing reforms have led to sentencing laws that limit judicial discretion
in criminal sentencing.
Statutory Sentencing Ranges
Depending upon the severity of the
crime, sentences can range from unsupervised release to permanent incarceration
or death. In most cases, permissible sentencing ranges are determined
legislatively, and these ranges are found in both state and federal statutes. Most sentencing laws dictate parameters within
which a defendant’s sentence must fall.
This provides the sentencing judge with some discretion. Sentencing
statutes can be classified into three categories: indeterminate, determinate, and
presumptive.
In jurisdictions with indeterminate
sentencing, the judge imposes a minimum and maximum term of incarceration,
rather than a set number of years. The
range imposed must fall within a broader statutory range determined by the
legislature. Once the defendant has
served the minimum time dictated by the judge, members of a parole board determine
when the defendant will be released. A parole
board can be made up of judges, physicians, criminologists and others qualified
to assess whether a prisoner is appropriate for release. The board’s decision
is based on the details of the crime, information from the prison and its
interviews with the prisoner.
For example, under an indeterminate
sentence law, a sentencing statute might impose a sentence ranging from one
year to ten years in prison for, say, burglary.
A judge might sentence a defendant convicted of burglary to a minimum of
three and a maximum of seven years. On
the defendant’s completion of three years, the parole board would hold a parole
hearing and either approve or deny release at that time, citing reasons for its
decision.
Prior to the parole board’s decision,
the prisoner does have a right to be heard on the matter of release.[2] However, defendants are
entitled to few other rights during parole consideration. Some states don’t even guarantee defendants
the right to be present at their own parole hearings, but rather allow them to
be heard prior to the hearing. In some
states, once parole is denied, there is no established right to additional
parole hearings. Most states, however, do
have rules allowing prisoners to apply for parole reconsideration following a
denial.[3] Some states allow prisoners to request
reconsideration after one year, while other states require prisoners to wait
several years before applying for parole reconsideration.
Indeterminate sentencing is the most
prevalent form of criminal sentencing in the United States. As of 2019, 34 states employ indeterminate
sentencing.[4]
Determinate Sentencing Statutes
In some states that do not have
indeterminate sentencing, determinate sentencing is used instead. Determinate sentencing jurisdictions still
have statutory sentencing ranges for different types of offenses, but rather
than selecting a minimum and maximum sentence within that range, the judge’s
role is to select a specific number of years within the range. When returning
to the burglary example, suppose the sentencing statute authorizes a sentence
ranging from one to ten years in prison.
With determinate sentencing, the judge might sentence a defendant to
five years imprisonment after a burglary conviction.
In this paradigm, there is no set date
for parole consideration. However,
prisoners often have other opportunities to reduce the time they serve. Prisoners who refrain from breaking rules
while incarcerated or who complete optional work or schooling programs may earn
reduced sentences. This is referred to
as “earned time” or “good time.” For example, in federal prison, an inmate can get
up to 54 days per year erased from a sentence for good behavior.[5] Determining what constitutes good behavior is
typically left to the discretion of corrections officials.
Presumptive Sentencing Statutes
Some jurisdictions use presumptive
sentencing. Under presumptive
sentencing, it is the legislature, not the sentencing judge, that prescribes a
precise sentence for each crime. Judicial
discretion does still exist, but to impose a more severe sentence than the
presumptive sentence, a judge must find aggravating factors. Similarly, to impose a more lenient sentence
than the presumptive sentence, the judge must identify mitigating factors. For example, in a conspiracy case, a
mitigating factor for one defendant might be that he was a minor player in the
conspiracy, while an aggravating factor might be that he was the mastermind of
the conspiracy. As such, a sentencing
judge can lawfully give each of these defendants a different sentence for the
same crime.
There are, though, constitutional limitations
upon the kinds of information a judge may rely on to increase a defendant’s
sentence beyond the statutory presumptive sentence. The Supreme Court has ruled that a sentencing
judge cannot rely on facts that were not proven during trial to justify a
decision to impose a sentence more severe than the presumptive sentence. Any aggravating information a judge uses must
have been found to be true by the jury during the defendant’s trial.[6] The Court explained that the Sixth Amendment
right to trial by jury is violated when a judge increases a defendant’s
sentence beyond the presumptive sentence based on facts not found by the jury. The only exception to this ruling involves
the defendant’s prior convictions, as their existence can be used to justify an increased sentence.
Mandatory Minimums
Some jurisdictions further limit
judicial discretion in sentencing by introducing mandatory minimums. These
laws require the sentencing judge to impose a minimum prison sentence based
solely upon the offense. Mandatory minimum
sentencing laws began to emerge during the 1970’s at the federal level,[7] and states began following
suit thereafter. Consider multiple
defendants who have been convicted of conspiring to commit robbery. Many states, though, include “safety valves”
that allow judicial discretion to assign sentences lower than the minimums in
certain cases.[8] In 2018, Congress passed the First Step Act,[9]
which reduces mandatory minimums for nonviolent
offenders.
In some jurisdictions, mandatory minimums laws apply mandatory sentences
based upon factors other than just
the offense itself. This has led to
Sixth Amendment challenges, when these other factors are determined by a judge,
rather than a jury. For example, in 2009,
Allen Alleyne was involved in robbing a convenience store and was convicted of
both robbery and of having a firearm during the crime.[10] The latter offense included a mandatory
minimum sentence of five years in prison, but if the defendant “brandished” the
firearm during the crime, the minimum jumped to seven years.
The jury convicted Alleyne of carrying a
firearm during the crime, but at sentencing, the judge ruled that Alleyne had
brandished the firearm, and then imposed the seven-year sentence. Alleyne
appealed, contending that his Sixth Amendment right to trial by jury guarantees
that any factual determination that increases a sentence be made by a jury, not
the sentencing judge. The Supreme Court
agreed, ruling that the Sixth Amendment requires that any fact that increases a
defendant’s punishment must be determined by a jury beyond a reasonable
doubt.
Although mandatory minimum sentencing
statutes remain widely in effect, they may not lawfully abridge protections provided
by the Constitution, and so some such statutes have been amended to more
clearly comply with the Sixth Amendment in the wake of the Supreme Court’s
ruling in Alleyne.
“Three strikes” statutes involve another
type of mandatory minimum sentencing. These laws apply to certain felonies and
impose mandatory minimum sentences on defendants convicted for the third time
of those offenses. Three strikes laws
impose a very harsh sentence on this third conviction. Three strikes statutes vary as to what types
of offenses count toward the three strikes. Statutes that include only violent
felony offenses in their three strikes calculations are common and not
particularly controversial. However,
some jurisdictions have three strikes rules that allow even minor or nonviolent
felony offenses to constitute the third strike. These, in effect, can send a
defendant to a lengthy prison sentence for a relatively minor offense. This system has been highly criticized by criminal
justice reform advocates, and in recent years several states have stepped back
from such hard line three strikes laws.[11]
While three strikes laws are lawful
generally, their outcomes, on rare occasions, have been ruled
unconstitutional. For example, in the
1983 case of Solem v. Helm,[12] the defendant Jerry Helm
was subject to a “seven” strikes law, his seventh offense triggering a mandatory
sentence of life imprisonment without the possibility of parole. As it happens,
his seventh offense was writing a bad check for $100. Helm appealed, and the Supreme Court ruled
that the sentence was so disproportionate to the offense charged, that it violated
the Eighth Amendment’s prohibition against cruel and unusual punishment.
In contrast, however, in the 2003 case, Lockyer
v. Andrade,[13]
defendant Leandro Andrade’s third strike involved stealing $150 worth of video
tapes from K-mart. He was sentenced to
50 years in prison. On appeal, the
Supreme Court did not find that his
sentence amounted to cruel and unusual punishment.
There is no clearly defined analysis to
determine whether the application of a three strikes law will be ruled
unconstitutional. The Supreme Court
itself has written that its own Eighth Amendment jurisprudence “lacks clarity.”[14] As a result, criminal justice reform advocates
have begun focusing on lobbying legislators to change three strikes laws rather
than depending on the judiciary to effectively address their lawfulness.
The Federal Sentencing Guidelines
Most of the lawmaking which defines the
behaviors constituting criminal offenses falls within the purview of state
legislators. As such, different states are free to criminalize different
behaviors, or to criminalize the same behaviors, but do so using different
languages to describe the prohibited acts.
For example, states legislate differently whether their youth can
purchase, possess or “consume” alcoholic beverages, and states differ as to at what
ages these behaviors become legal.[15] Similarly, one state may make a crime a misdemeanor,
while another state may make the same behavior a felony. So, it is not inherently
surprising that sentences for similarly-named state crimes vary from state to
state.
Conversely, federal criminal law applies
uniformly to everyone across the United States, and thus, it would be expected
that sentences across the country for the same federal offenses would typically
be consistent. However, a widespread
lack of such consistency was observed by criminal justice researchers during
the 1970’s. As a result, Congress enacted
sentencing reforms in 1984[16] that led to the creation
of Federal Sentencing Guidelines, which were formally adopted in 1987.[17] The guidelines aimed to alleviate the
sentencing disparities, and they apply to federal felonies and Class A misdemeanors. They provide federal judges with step-by-step
instructions when imposing sentences in federal cases. The first step involves determining the
seriousness of a defendant’s offense. The second involves weighing other
offense characteristics and the third considers the defendant’s criminal
history.
To determine the seriousness of a
given offense, the guidelines assign to each federal offense a base level from
1 to 43, with the highest levels being the most serious offenses. Once an offense’s level is identified, the
facts of the defendant’s case are analyzed to determine whether any
characteristics of the case call for the case to be reassigned to either a higher
or lower sentencing level.
For example, robbery’s base offense
level is 20. But if a dangerous weapon was used, 4 levels are added, for an
offense level of 24. If that weapon was a firearm, another level is added and,
if discharged, add 2 more levels. The offense level can also rise based on
other factors, such as the amount stolen, the purpose of the robbery and
whether the offense was a carjacking. The differences between levels can be
severe. A base offense level of 20 with no criminal history carries a maximum
prison term of 41 months, while carjacking while possessing a gun would be a
level 26, almost doubling the maximum prison term to 78 months.
On the other hand, the level of an
offense can be decreased if the defendant was only a minor participant in the
crime. There can also be adjustments to
the offense level known as “acceptance of responsibility adjustments.” For example, if a defendant convicted of
theft voluntarily paid restitution to the victim even before his conviction,
the sentencing judge may consider that, and lower the theft’s offense level for
purposes of sentencing.
Next, the sentencing judge must
examine the defendant’s criminal history as outlined in the sentencing
guidelines. The guidelines set forth six criminal history categories, with the
sixth category including defendants with the lengthiest and most severe
criminal histories. Category one, on the other hand, includes first-time
offenders and those with minor criminal histories.
The guidelines then provide a table
that lists the six criminal history categories across the top, and the 43
offense levels vertically along the side.
The table’s fields include ranges of imprisonment, from zero to six months
at the low end, to life in prison (with no possibility of parole) at the high
end. The field at which a defendant’s
offense level intersects with his criminal history category provides the sentencing
range available to the judge presiding over the case. While the guidelines were originally intended
to be binding upon federal judges, that mandate was later removed by the
Supreme Court.[18]
Thus, even after arriving at the range provided by the guidelines, a judge may still
depart from that range. Thus, federal
sentencing judges may deviate from the guidelines based on the circumstances in
a given case when justice so requires.
In our next module, we will cover the
right to appeal a criminal conviction or sentence, as well as other available
forms of post-conviction relief.
[1] U.S. Const. Amend. 8.
[2] See, Greenholtz v. Inmates of Nebraska Penal &
Corr. Complex, 442
U.S. 1, 11 (1979).
[3] See, Alexis Watts, Parole Release Reconsideration in States with DiscretionaryRelease (2017)
[4] See, Edward Rhine, Parole Boards within Indeterminate and Determinate Sentencing Structures (2018)
[5] See, 18 U.S.C.S. § 3624 (b).
[6] See, Blakely
v. Washington, 542 U.S. 296
(2004).
[7] See, e.g., 21 U.S.C. 13 § 841.
[8] See,
Recent State-Level Reforms to Mandatory Minimums Laws (2017), https://famm.org/wp-content/uploads/Recent-State-Reforms.pdf
[9] See, 115 P.L. 391, 132 Stat. 5194, 2018
Enacted S. 756, 115 Enacted S.756.
[10] See, Alleyne v. United States, 570 U.S. 99 (2013).
[12] See, Solem v. Helm, 463 U.S. 277 (1983).
[13] See, Lockyer v.
Andrade, 538 U.S. 63 (2003).
[14] Id.
[16] See,
S. 1762, 98 Stat. 1976, enacted October 12, 1984.
[18] See,
U.S. v. Booker, 543 U.S. 220 (2005).