Fair Housing Act Application to Race and Gender - Module 4 of 5
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Fair Housing Act Application to Race and Gender
Racial Discrimination and the FHA
From
the time of its original passage, the Fair Housing Act has prohibited
discrimination concerning the sale, rental, and financing of housing based on
race, color, religion and national origin. As explained by the United States
Department of Justice, one of the act’s main objectives was the prevention of
racial discrimination, which was widely prevalent in the housing industry prior
to and during the civil rights movement of the 1960s.[1] For example, in 1924, the
National Association of Real Estate Board’s Code of Ethics stated that a
“Realtor should never be instrumental in introducing into a neighborhood a
character of property or occupancy, members of any race or nationality, or any
individuals whose presence will clearly be detrimental to property values in
that neighborhood.”[2]
This
type of systematic racial discrimination and segregation exemplified the need
for the FHA. From rental arrangements and real estate sales to government
entity violations, most pattern and practice cases brought by the DOJ involve
allegations of discrimination based on race or color. The FHA’s prohibition on
national origin discrimination includes discrimination based on place of birth
or the location of ancestor’s origin. As the fastest growing population in the
United States, Hispanic families have experienced increased incidents of
housing discrimination in recent decades, as reported by the DOJ. National
origin cases also commonly involve Native Americans, Eastern Europeans, and
immigrants from Southeastern Asia.
Jones
v. Mayer, decided in 1968, was a landmark decision following
passage of the FHA.[3]
The petitioner sought an injunction
based on the property owner’s refusal to sell him a home solely due to his being
African American. The District Court dismissed the complaint and the Court of
Appeals affirmed the dismissal, ruling that the statute under which the civil
rights action was brought was only applicable to state action and not actions
by private sellers. On appeal, the Supreme Court reversed, holding that
Congress could legally regulate the sale of private property in order to
prevent racial discrimination. The court concluded that “42 U.S.C. § 1982 bars
all racial discrimination, private as well as public, in the sale or rental of
property, and that the statute, thus construed, is a valid exercise of the
power of Congress to enforce the Thirteenth Amendment” as the Court called such
discrimination “badges and incidents of slavery.”
Since then, courts have defined and examined the various circumstances that constitute housing discrimination. In Alexander v. Riga, the Third Circuit overturned a lower court decision, finding that the owners of a Pittsburgh building violated the FHA when they refused to rent an available unit to an African American couple.[4] Punitive damages were also a central issue in this case. Punitive damages are granted in excess of compensatory damages and they are generally awarded for the purpose of deterring the wrongdoer from repeating their egregious behavior.[5] The trial court refused to provide instruction on punitive damages because the jury did not order compensatory damages for the aggrieved parties. In reviewing the trial court’s actions, the appeals court held that “beyond a doubt, punitive damages can be awarded in a civil rights case where a jury finds a constitutional violation, even when the jury has not awarded compensatory or nominal damages.” This means that parties found in violation of the FHA may be ordered to pay punitive damages whether or not compensatory damages are granted. Punitive damages requests have since become routine in FHA actions.
Discriminatory Tactics in Real Estate
Sales
Many
early race discrimination in real estate cases resulted from systematic
processes aimed at maintaining racial segregation and denying minorities the
opportunities to own property in communities of white property owners. Covenants
are mandates that are included in property deeds and legally enforceable on the
buyer.[6] They typically run with
the land, meaning that all subsequent purchasers will also be held to the
directives of the mandate. Buyers who fail to abide by the covenant may be
forced to forfeit their rights in the property.
The
HUD website provides an example of a historical race-related covenant:
"No person of African, Japanese,
Chinese, or of any Mongolian descent shall be allowed to purchase, own, or
lease said real property, or any part thereof, or to occupy, except as servants."[7].
The
1917 case, Buchanan v. Warley, precipitated the prevalence of racial
covenants.[8] The court unanimously
ruled that a Louisville zoning ordinance prohibiting African Americans from
moving into specific neighborhoods violated the 14th Amendment’s “due process”
clause. It also ruled that it violated the freedom to contract by interfering
with the sale of private property between whites and blacks. The decision’s
focus on government actions, while ignoring private sales, facilitated the use
of racially-restrictive covenants. A decade later, the US Supreme Court
formally upheld the legality of racial covenants in Corrigan v. Buckley,
when they held that a covenant restricting the sale of certain properties to
African American buyers in a Washington DC community could legally void a sales
contract.[9] By 1940, almost 80% of
properties in Chicago and Los Angeles County included racial covenants to bar
African American buyers from purchasing them.[10] Even though these
covenants have been consistently found in violation of the FHA, some have
persisted. As recent as 2000, California legislators found it necessary to pass
a law prohibiting the use of racially-restrictive covenants in real property
agreements.[11]
Though
covenants have been ruled to violate the FHA, other acts that encourage racial
segregation have remained. Steering occurs when real estate agents try
to channel minority buyers away from neighborhoods of majority white property
owners. The underlying reason is generally the belief that the potential buyer
will be considered unwelcomed or unacceptable to the current residents of the
community because of the buyer’s race or national origin. Steering has been
ruled in violation of FHA.
Another tactic for refusing housing opportunities based on race is redlining. With origins back to the 1930s, redlining occurs when lending institutions designate minority neighborhoods as high-risk and refuse to provide mortgage loans in the area. In 2018, HUD approved a conciliation agreement between North Dakota property owners, a mortgage lender and an appraisal company.[12] The complainants alleged that the mortgage company refused to refinance their properties and the appraisal company refused to conduct appraisals because the properties were located on a Native American reservation. Under the agreement, the mortgage lender was required to pay $30,000 to each plaintiff and fund a loan subsidy program to benefit borrowers on Native American reservations. They were also mandated to provide $240,000 for home ownership education and outreach to Native Americans. The appraisal company was required to revise its policies and cease contracting with any individual appraisers who refuse to work on properties located within reservations.
Gender Discrimination and the FHA
In
1974, gender was added to the list of classes protected under the FHA, making
it unlawful to discriminate in housing based on gender.[13] This prohibition includes rentals and sales of
housing. In a 2011 case, HUD charged a Wisconsin woman with violating the FHA
for her refusal to rent her home to a single woman. According to the complaint,
when the woman called to inquire about the rural property, the landlord refused
to show her the property because she was a single woman with no man "to
shovel the snow."[14] Throughout HUD’s
investigation, the landlord continuously attempted to support her stance,
stating that “she believed a single woman would not be able to handle the
seclusion and the snow removal, and that she didn't want the woman calling her
all the time to come out to fix things or to plow her out.”
In addition to blatant acts of housing discrimination against women, there are other common housing practices that have also come under scrutiny for their disparate impacts on women. United States vs. Kelly involved a landlord’s seemingly honest concerns about the safety of single women living in his housing unit.[15] In a denial notice to a female applicant, the landlord stated that she “decided to go with a bachelor.” As a result, HUD filed a complaint against the landlord based on allegations that the landlord “refused to rent after the making of a bona fide offer, or refused to negotiate for the rental of, or otherwise made unavailable or denied… because of sex.”
FHA Protections Against Sexual Harassment
In
2017, HUD implemented a nationwide campaign to address widespread allegations
of sexual harassment in housing. As explained by the agency, the enforcement
program is “aimed at landlords who create an untenable living environment by
demanding sexual favors from tenants or by creating a sexually hostile
environment for them.”[16] There are two types of sexual
harassment allegations. The first is “quid pro quo” and it occurs when a housing provider or employee, agent or contractor
conditions access to housing or housing-related services on a victim's
submission to sexual conduct.[17] The second type is “hostile environment” sexual harassment, occurring
when “a housing provider… or in certain circumstances another tenant, engages
in sexual behavior of such severity or pervasiveness that it alters the terms
or conditions of tenancy and results in an environment that is intimidating,
hostile, offensive, or otherwise significantly less desirable.” Sexual
harassment claims may allege one or both of these harassment types. They also
do not require an actual housing or economic loss.
In United
States v. Hatfield, HUD brought a complaint against a North Carolina
resident who rented, sold and financed homes.[18] The agency alleged that
the defendant “sexually harassed actual and prospective female residents and
borrowers in violation of the Fair Housing Act.” The allegations of harassment
against him included “unwelcome sexual comments and advances, engaging in unwanted
sexual touching and groping, offering tangible housing benefits in exchange for
sex acts and taking or threatening to take adverse housing actions against
women who object to his harassment.”[19]
It is
important to note that the FHA includes protections for both male and female
victims of sexual harassment. In addition, property owners and agents are
responsible for ensuring that all employees and agents also refrain from
engaging in such acts.
People who believe they have been harassed by property
owners have several avenues for recourse. They can file complaints directly with HUD or a state/local housing
agency. Under HUD guidelines, the victim has one year from the occurrence
to file a complaint directly with the agency.[20] Once an investigation is
done, HUD may choose to file official charges against the harassing party
should evidence support the allegation. This may result in an administrative
hearing on the matter. A victim may also have the option of filing a private suit in state or federal court,
subject to statute of limitation guidelines. There is no requirement for sexual
harassment victims to report their grievances to the property owner, but HUD
suggests that a letter or written report can be useful for creating a record of
events.
Once an allegation of sexual harassment has been made, the FHA prohibits property owners from punishing the victims in any way, including the denial of housing, rent increases, withholding maintenance, bringing law suits or eviction. If this type of retaliatory action is substantiated, the victim may have grounds for additional legal action.[21] United States v. Cao involved allegations of retaliation against female renters who complained about sexual harassment.[22] The DOJ filed a complaint against a Kansas property manager based on allegations that he unlawfully sought to evict the complainants as punishment for reporting his acts of sexual harassment.
Other Gender-Related Concerns in Housing Discrimination
According
to HUD, women with lower incomes are particularly susceptible to the negative
impacts of sexual harassment, due to their limited housing options.[23] As reported by HUD,
female-headed households make up a disproportionate percentage of housing
assistance recipients. These households constitute more than 75% of public
housing and make up over 80% of households with housing vouchers. Therefore,
acts of discrimination against low income housing residents often overlap with
gender discrimination.
Several
states include source of income in fair housing regulations. For
example, Oklahoma’s fair housing statute makes it unlawful to “refuse to
consider as a valid source of income any public assistance, alimony, or child
support, awarded by a court, when that source can be verified…”[24] States, such as California, Minnesota, Utah
and New Jersey have similar fair housing protections. In some cases, local
governments have included source of income in fair housing guidelines, even
when the states have not. There are at least 50 localities across the country
with source of income ordinances in place.[25]
In
2014, the city of Austin, Texas passed a source of income discrimination
ordinance.[26]
The Austin Apartment Association filed a lawsuit aimed at repealing the ordinance.
In response, the Texas state legislature overturned the ordinance, and passed a
law prohibiting any locality within the state from passing source of income
discrimination legislation.[27] In 2017, the Inclusive
Communities Project of Dallas filed suit against the state of Texas, seeking to
overturn the state statute as an FHA violation.[28] The suit was dismissed in
2018 on procedural grounds.[29]
Gender
housing discrimination may also extend to mortgage decisions, where women are
faced with more stringent requirements for approval than similarly suited male
applicants. For example, in United States v. First
Federal Bank of Florida, the lending bank included a requirement that
two pregnant applicants return to work prior to the completion of their maternity
leave for their mortgage to be approved.[30] Reaching a consent
agreement, the lending institution was prohibited from “the adoption,
performance, or implementation of any policy, practice, or act that results in
unlawful discrimination against an applicant on maternity or paternity leave in
the taking, processing, underwriting, or closing of a submitted or potentially
submitted residential mortgage loan application. More specifically, First
Federal shall not require that an applicant on maternity or paternity leave
have physically returned to work before a loan can close.”
The
2013 Violence Against Women Act expanded housing protections to
survivors of domestic violence, dating violence, sexual assault and stalking.[31] Because women are often
the victims of these crimes, the law is largely regarded as a significant gain
against gender housing discrimination. The law makes it a violation to treat
victims of these crimes any differently than victims of other crimes. In 2013,
HUD settled two complaints under this law.[32] The first was a woman who
asserted that her lease renewal was denied solely based on previous law
enforcement visits to her home for domestic-violence related reports. The
second involved a woman who complained that she was denied a new rental based
on a history of police visits for domestic violence. Under the terms of the
settlement agreement, the complainants received $13,500 and the landlords
agreed to participate in fair housing training and submit to monitoring by HUD.
While
the FHA does not specifically provide protections for members of the LGBTQ
community at the federal level, HUD is still charged with investigating
allegations of violations without regard for sexual orientation or gender
identity.[33]
In addition, those who identify as LGBTQ may have valid FHA complaints under
the Act’s gender protections. For example, if a landlord prohibits a
transgender woman from dressing in women’s clothing in the common areas of her
apartment complex, this may be a violation of the FHA’s prohibition against
gender discrimination, which according to HUD, “includes discrimination based
on non-conformity with gender stereotypes.”
In our
last module, we’ll turn to fair housing protections based on other criteria,
including religion, disability, family status and sexual orientation.
[12] FHEO Title VIII Case Numbers: 08-17-5267-8 and 08-18-6949-8, located at https://www.hud.gov/sites/dfiles/FHEO/documents/18CA.pdf
[15] United States v. Kelly (D. S.D.) https://www.justice.gov/crt/case-document/complaint-united-states-v-kelly-dsd
[22] United States v. Cao (D. Kan.), https://www.justice.gov/crt/case-document/file/1018561/download
[30] United States v. First Federal Bank of Florida (M.D. Fla.),https://www.justice.gov/crt/case-document/consent-decree-united-states-v-first-federal-bank-florida-md-fla-as source