
Tulsi Gabbard
Sues Hillary Clinton for Calling her a Russian Asset
Congresswoman and Democratic
presidential contender Tulsi Gabbard has sued former Secretary of State Hillary
Clinton for defamation, alleging $50,000,000 “and counting” in damages, stemming
from statements Clinton made implying that Gabbard was a Russian asset.
On October 17, Clinton
appeared on Campaign HQ with David Plouffe. She referred to “somebody” in the
Democratic primary and said that she is a “favorite” of the Russians,” that
they’re supporting her and that she is a “Russian” asset.
The next day, when asked if
the comments were about Gabbard, Clinton responded, “If the nesting doll fits.”
Gabbard’s lawsuit, filed on
January 22, alleges that Clinton has “doubled down” and stood by these
statements in the months since making them. She also alleges that these
allegations have been “devastating” to Gabbard’s reputation.
Every defamation claim must
meet the four elements:
(a) it must be a false statement concerning another;
(b) the statement must be defamatory;
(c) there must be a “publication” to at least one third party; and
(d) harm to the plaintiff’s reputation.
Where public figures are
concerned, and especially public officials, there are additional First
Amendment protections. In the landmark New York Times v. Sullivan decision, the
Court ruled that public officials must show “actual malice” which means, in
this context, that the defendant knew that the statement was false or acted
with reckless disregard for the truth.
Let’s look at how Gabbard’s complaint deals with these
elements.
To start, Hillary’s offending statement
did not specifically state Gabbard’s name. While a statement need not
specifically name the plaintiff, it has to be obvious that the alleged comments
referred to the plaintiff. In fact, the language must be such that people
reading it who know the plaintiff would be able to understand that the
statement is referring to the plaintiff.
For example, a defamation
action against former New York Attorney General Elliot Spitzer was dismissed
based on this element. Spitzer had
penned an article accusing “employees” of professional services firm Marsh
& McLennan of “pocketing increased fees and kickbacks.” One of those
employees, William Gilman, sued. The Southern District of New York, later
affirmed by the Second Circuit, dismissed the lawsuit, ruling that the
statement did not necessarily refer to Gilman in the mind of a reasonable
reader.
Gabbard’s complaint addresses
this requirement by devoting two paragraphs to the follow-up interview in
which, asked whether her statement referred to Tulsi, stated “If the nesting
doll fits.” In fact, the complaint devotes an entire allegation to observing
that “Clinton’s reference to “the nesting doll” is a reference to the
universally known Russian nesting dolls (Matryoshka dolls).”
To establish defamatory
nature, the complaint alleges that the “ordinary and average person” would
understand them to impute Tulsi with “a lack of fitness for office and
profession,” and potentially “even as a Russian agent and traitor to this
country.” The complaint also plays up Hillary’s stature as former Secretary of
State, United States Senator and First Lady, especially her access to
information and intelligence, to bolster the idea that her statements are
harmful.
Publication to a third party,
in this context, simply means spreading the allegation. The complaint ticks off
a laundry list of mainstream news outlets that ran with the story of Hillary’s
statement, though that the statement was published is self-evident anyway.
In her allegations of harm,
Gabbard alleges that she suffered “anguish and damage to reputation,”
substantial injuries to her positions as Congresswoman, presidential candidate
and even officer of the National Guard. She also alleges that the allegation
that she is a Russian asset “were accepted as true by millions of Americans, including
large numbers of voters in battleground presidential primary states.”
Note that damages need not be
shown in cases where “slander per se” is alleged, which includes slandering a
person’s fitness for her work. This complaint alleges this, but for good
measure, goes on to estimate $50,000,000 in “actual” economic damages.
It seems self-evident then, that
the complaint at least alleges a case of defamation. So, if shown, the question
really becomes the extent to which Hillary’s statements are protected by
freedom of speech. This is an especially important issue because high-profile
politicians, and especially presidential candidates, are assumed to incur high
levels of rigorous scrutiny from the public and their colleagues.
Anticipating this difficulty,
Gabbard’s complaint devotes 10 paragraphs to establishing that Clinton acted
with “actual malice,” the constitutional standard for defamation lawsuits by
public officials. Some of the points include:
1. Because of her official
positions, Hillary was in prime position to know that her allegation of Tulsi
being a Russian asset was false;
2. That it is extremely
improbable that a four term United States Congresswoman and major in the
National Guard would be a Russian asset; and that a statement to that effect
without evidence constitutes at least “reckless disregard for the truth.” and
3. That Clinton’s long history
of animosity towards Tulsi, dating back to Gabbard’s endorsement of Bernie
Sanders during the 2016 Democratic presidential campaign, undoubtedly colored
her judgment. While malice in the commonly used sense of the term is not
necessary to prove legal “malice,” malicious intent can be used to show motive
for lying about and hurting the plaintiff.
In all, Gabbard’s 14 page,
60-paragraph complaint delves farther into detail and gives much more
background information than is typically necessary in a civil complaint.
By doing so, it implicitly
recognizes the gravity of using the civil court system to punish political
statements regarding presidential candidates. The extreme scrutiny and openness
of the presidential election process may militate against allowing this, and
courts will no doubt be hesitant to inject themselves in debates over the
fitness of candidates.
Assuming the case goes
forward, the courts may have to craft new standards to apply to this
unprecedented defamation action. And a debate of whether, by running for
president, one opens herself to virtually any avenue a verbal attack, would no
doubt be central to this case.
We will keep a close eye on
this case, as it could generate new case law for defamation of public officials
and figures.